The reasoning behind the artificiality of faulknerism in black American literature

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As a necessary clarification, that artificiality of black faulknerism is still functional because of the market functionality; that means, because it functions in the context of white liberalism, as settled in modern art commercialism. But even this functionality is not popular or related to the whole social structure, but just to its intellectual elite; which lives with that same schizoid duplicity, just covered —contrary to black Americans— by their political stability.

We should remember that even political contradiction is stability by western parameters, since it’s dialectic; with both sides of any contradiction as a moral fiction of reality, and not reality itself in its own economic determinations. This is what makes sense of the aesthetic discussions ending modernity, in the transition from XIX to XX century; all of them related to this functionality, but on that sense of political struggles, as a state itself and not a process.  

The problem then is of the arts in that context of postmodernity, as the natural process of ending modernity; in which arts loses that original functionality it had in Modernity, as a transcendental alternative to rationalism. Of course, this is still contradictory, if it’s that transcendentalism what distorts the western ontology; but here comes the other distinction between metaphysical and historial transcendentalism, both in function of rationalism.

Rationalism surges as an objectivity in immanentism, aimed to positivism, and corrected by German negativism; but this negativism comes in two forms, one of them philosophical and the other literary, in German Romanticism. The philosophical correction becomes the historical transcendentalism —with Kant—, but is still immanentism; because that immanentism comes in its historical nature, with the political determination of the social being.

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It's then the literary —aesthetic in general— what comes as pure transcendentalism, in its metaphysical nature; still related to immanentism as its primary determination, and so limited on its understanding of reality determinations. This is because it’s still an idealistic reaction to rationalism, that only function as its existential complement; covering the aspects outside of idealistic determinism, with the problems of the will as negativist (extra positivist) reflection of reality.

In this process, modern Rationalism will produce its own contradictions, in the mechanical fatigue of its logics; making dysfunctional its complementary Irrationalism, since the hermeneutic at use is the same for both traditions. This is what happens with the new understanding of the real in postmodernity, with the development of new physics; that progressively makes space for realistic probabilism, substituting the idealistic of transcendental determinism.

This makes arts progressively dysfunctional in its reflective scopes, since its functionality depends on science; on that contradictory loop of dialectics, which solves the partiality of human understanding in Modern rationalism. Here is how we can understand that artificiality of black faulknerism —not as inferiority—, as dysfunctional; because it’s the aesthetic approach to reality in general what lacks functionality, with the new understandings of reality.

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This would be what makes that black intellectualism so fragile, as they lack the political resources of the white; while their westernity prevents them from using the existential references of their own spiritual and religious practices. Let’s not forget that schizoid duplicity at the beginning, which is what results of this apparent lack of resources; artificial as their intellectual struggles, satisfied with commercial success, but as a politically stylized folklore.

Curiously enough, even as a failure in its artificiality, this is a very natural process, solving also natural contradictions; that comes over the arduous process of  black integration, keeping the links at the time that produces the tensions. This is the tension over black development maturity, coming from its first establishment to its apotheosis; the first in that simultaneity of movements like Negritude, Black renaissance, Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism; the second on the stage that interlaces all of them by its critical mass as a New Black Though, but on that previous basis.

 

As they lay dying, the artificiality of faulknerism in black American literature

The sense of art was an important subject of art itself with the high estheticism of the XIX century; marking the end of the Illustration's, expanded from the XVII century, as a peak of Modernity itself. That mark then the declining of that cultural period as the postmodernity, in a functional ending; in which arts recreates in itself, trying to understand a functionality it doesn’t recognize in its own being.

This is important, as the moment American blackness is forming in its social and political alienation, by its economic precariousness; thus incorporating all the contradictions of this period in the western culture as its own, along the XX century. Here then the theoretic conflagration of Western culture is dramatically political among the black people, even regarding arts; because it’s always referred to political functionality in real life, in the middle of the existential of segregation and class war.

Here comes the paradox, when arts function as an existencial reflection in its dramatic expression of reality; but as an artificial drama in romantic fiction, it’s a pure and immediate reality for the political marginality of blacks. The paradox consists in that singularity of black culture, that reverses the scope of aesthetic reflection of reality; since the black social struggles provides that pathetic of white fiction, in the specific context of western culture.

This is the difference between Morúa and Villaverde in Cuba —for example— not the snobbish of the first; as between the black authors and faulknerism in American literature, even with black faulknerism authenticity. The problem here is not moral as the ethics of historical transcendentalism, but of existential effectiveness; worsened in that case of black literature, for its use as legitimation of social war by white liberalism, in its transcendentalism.

This contradiction is created by the western political contradictions in itself, since the apotheosis of modernity; born in the utopic socialism of French aristocracy in their —falsely popular— revolution, with German transcendentalism. This creates the modern political —masked as social dialectic— struggles, with the push of artificial transcendentalism; as the sole parameter for the whole western society, in contradiction with its natural development in new societies.

The result is a kind of schizoid duplicity among black intellectuals, as the ones struggling with this difficulty; solved at popular level with spiritual and religious practices, which always set the existential references for people. Te problem of black intellectuals in America is the retorting to rational legitimacy, in that parameter of dialectic and class war; ideologically organized as a moral, in that transcendentalism that twisted the western ontology, as historical in its idealism.

The duplicity consists in this effort of legitimacy itself, at the same time of practicing magic and religious traditions; which could actually solve their contradictions as artificials, understanding their same practices in nature. That would means retorting to popular pragmatism though, instead of forcing it in ideal transcendentalism; to feed white liberal politics with transcendental justifications, living then in that schizoid duplicity.

This would be what makes black arts so inefficient in America, although realistic in their reflection of reality; because this reflection is subordinated to that dysfunctional western ontology, not bringing its own determination. Curiously, this is not the case on black conservatism, tat differs even from white conservatism in its functionality; since this conservationism is not historical transcendentalist but functional, in their political precariousness; but even because its practicality, this black conservatism doesn’t have the political pretentions of their intellectual elite as liberal.

Then, this contradiction comes from the distinction of existential priorities between white liberalism and blacks; the first as political and the second economic in its existentialism, because their lack of path to stability. Still, the blacks maintain their existential efficiency at the popular level, because it comes from their spiritual practices; but it can’t be recognized in the conventionalism of their intellectual elite, which only can agonize in their contradictions.

Singularidad del negro en Cuba

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La falsa distinción del negro cubano respecto a sus otros congéneres es importante, porque es una estrategia política; proveniente de la masacre de 1912, asociada al peligro latente de la república de Haití respecto al país, en Santiago de Cuba. No sólo los rumores vinculaban a los alzados del Partido Independiente de Color con la república haitiana, implicándola a esta; también los líderes del partido mantenían la referencia al segregacionismo norteamericano, percibiéndolo como sistemático y universal.

La cuestión negra en Cuba no era económica sino política, basada en el prejuicio ilustrado contra la barbarie; con la que se identifica al negro en general, en el mimetismo de la oligarquía nacional respecto a la norteamericana. Sin embargo, esa misma oligarquía se preciaba de su ascendiente en el integracionismo racial de la cultura ibérica; con franco desdén hacia el pragmatismo comercialista inglés como ascendiente de la norteamericana, con sus propias ínfulas ilustradas.

La figura es contradictoria, reflejando las pretensiones anexionistas de esa oligarquía, de mayoría no absoluta; diluyéndose en las clases medias y bajas, sin mayores intereses —por falta de acceso— al industrialismo norteamericano. La prueba de esto estaría en el establecimiento controversial de al menos tres capítulos del Ku Kuk Klan en Cuba; con al menos uno de ellos en la región central de las Villas, todos cerrados por su impopularidad, pero abiertos en primera instancia.

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Por su parte, el rechazo al negro como bárbaro es importante más allá del prejuicio cultural, por su valor estratégico; pues sería de este supuesto primitivismo que el ser humano extrae su referencia existencial —como determinación ontológica— de lo real. En este sentido, la crítica de la superstición pone el énfasis en sus propósitos, como manipulación de la naturaleza; pero más allá de este resulta en una relación, por la que esta le comunica estas referencias existenciales, como determinación.

El rechazo de estas prácticas va a suprimir esta determinación, en favor del convencionalismo ético de la sociedad; igual de pretencioso en su trascendentalismo histórico, pero consistente con su entorno político. Esto es grave, todavía en el siglo XXI y emergiendo del desastre antropológico de la revolución cubana; porque aún a estas alturas es la mayor referencia en las relaciones del negro cubano con sus otros congéneres, a los que rechaza.

Como todo fenómeno cultural, esto es ambiguo, reflejando el mismo terror de violencia nacional de 1912; manifiesto en ese temeroso desdén, con el que el negro cubano sigue subordinando el problema  racial al nacional. Esta misma separación de ambos problemas como distintos es absurda, contradiciendo la unidad intrínseca de lo real; que como naturaleza se realiza siempre local y no universalmente, en la inmediatez absoluta de todas sus determinaciones.

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Eso quiere decir que ninguna contradicción de la cultura cubana es posponible, condicionándola siempre; como significado de la reacción de Antonio Maceo al Pacto del Zanjón, por el contencioso de la liberación de los esclavos . En ese caso específicamente, no se habría tratado sólo de la sublimación heroica como moral, incluso si la reflejaba; sino de la condición misma en su poder disruptivo, aunque no se la perciba o se le posponga, en el marco de la epopeya nacional.

En este sentido, el negro cubano es zanjonista, aunque justificado en esa eficacia de Martínez Campo en la clase media; y su ruptura en la sublevación de los Independientes de Color habría sido una simple reacción, inconsecuente con su voluntad de subordinación. No debe sorprender que como manifestación sea contradictoria, como toda la cultura cubana en tanto realidad, en sus fenómenos; que en la fatalidad de su inmadurez —nacida de la Ilustración— no consigue comprender su naturaleza, en la puntualidad local con que se realiza.

Por eso el negro cubano no osa la confrontación que empuje esa realidad a la madurez, escabulléndose en el mestizaje; hasta que obligado por su propia esclerosis, no le quede más remedio que acudir a su misma masa crítica. Eso ocurriría necesariamente, consumado el desastre político como antropológico, en un proceso de reconstrucción; que volviendo a excluir al negro en su perenne precariedad, no le permita más que reorganizarse en sí mismo, con sus propios referentes.

Nueva vindicación de Martín Morúa Delgado

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En su ensayo sobre Morúa, en la revista afro hispánica, Onyria Herrera[1] señala la manipulación política de la insurrección de 1912; con la perversión del integracionismo —y el ideario— de Morúa, desdeñando la culpa martiana en esos trágicos suceso. La culpa martiana aquí es más que metafórica, en la legitimidad filial de su hijo, entonces responsable del ejército republicano; pero también por el vacío de su idealismo humanista, con el que se funda el mito de la independencia nacional.

Curiosamente, aunque se señala su rechazo por la novela histórica, la proyección literaria de Morúa se ancla en la guerra; mencionando los levantamientos de Quintín Banderas y Guillermón Moncada, como inicio de la Guerra chiquita (1879). La realidad para Morúa está fundada entonces en la participación negra, como su misma determinación; que aunque no única —secunda el levantamiento de Betancourt— es tan importante y consecuente como las otras.

No obstante, Morúa es un autonomista y mantendrá esta dualidad en todo, de sus novelas a sus discursos; porque esta proyección suya es pragmática, como un perfecto —si bien precario— equilibrio realista; entre el idealismo moral del independentismo y el material del anexionismo, en el eje mismo de esa guerra. Morúa por tanto no subordina nunca la causa negra, pero tampoco es un idealista sino un pragmático; una actitud menos contradictoria que la de W.E.B. Du Bois en Estados Unidos por ejemplo, con su atajo de contradicciones.

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Es la inmadurez política de la cultura cubana la que no puede comprenderlo, y lo empuja al ostracismo histórico; contrario al caso norteamericano, en que las contradicciones de Du Bois alimentan el idealismo progresista. De hecho Morúa será conservador, haciéndose más incomprensible aún para el reduccionismo moderno; porque su base está en la precariedad social del negro y no su idealización, haciéndolo políticamente funcional.

Recuérdese que el pragmatismo de Morúa no crece sobre el vacío, sino sobre el terror del general O’Donnell;  con su maniobra de la conspiración de la escalera, afectando todo intento de unidad nacional con el miedo al negro. Este de hecho proviene de la revolución Haitiana, como elemento clave del racismo cubano; de otro modo demasiado laxo en su singularidad, como un problema políticamente peligroso en esta laxitud.

Eso es lo que resulta incomprensible en el panorama cubano, intelectualmente más simple que el norteamericano; por su ascendiente ibérico, que basando su humanismo en el romanticismo antes que en el racionalismo, se precia de su voluntad. Esto es lo que explica la reacción negra ante la frustración republicana, incluso con respaldo político más allá del borde racial; sobre la base de esa justicia ideal y abstracta, que se alimenta a su vez en la sublimación moral martiana.

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Sin embargo, la frustración republicana —más allá de lo racial— sólo expresaría esta inmadurez, como contradicción; a la que sólo se le puede dar tiempo, no para que se disuelva, sino hasta para que se defina en una perspectiva. Es esto lo que puede confrontarse una vez políticamente definido, por un estamento también maduro en su marginalidad; y que evitando una ruptura ontológica como la de 1912, hubiera permitido un desarrollo más consistente del asociacionismo negro.

Lo peor no es eso —que es sólo lo que no sucedió—, sino que la culpa de esta crisis recae en el que hizo por resolverla; mientras todos, blancos y negros, tapan con el escándalo la mano responsable del genocidio, bajo la legitimidad filial del Ismaelillo. Que los blancos cubanos caigan en ese error es apenas natural, como muestra de esa irrealidad del ideario martiano; pero que un siglo después los negros cubanos no entiendan lo que pasó es escandaloso, perpetuando el mismo desdén que sus amos.

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[1] . McElroy, Onyria Herrera. “Martín Morúa Delgado, Precursor Del Afro-Cubanismo.” Afro-Hispanic Review, vol. 2, no. 1, 1983, pp. 19–24. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23052824. Accessed 24 July 2023.

The Igbo question on blackness

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Question?:

“How are you identifying that (Igbo) as Black culture? As I find Black culture to be an experience of Western society, Nigerian isn't Western? Black to me is an experience. And if I enter into a space of Nigerians even those on American soil not one will refer to themselves as Black, this goes for any African coming from the continent by way of let's say "plane" for semantics… why not Ghanian culture, being much of those who were stolen came from that area?”

Spliting this question in its two or three parts, first blackness is certainly an experience of western and not African society; and in this sense, we should speak of African societies as plural, because they are as diverse and complex —if not more— than Europeans. It’s also true that Nigerian society is too a western society, since it was determined and organized by Western colonization; as Africa in general is then a western experience in this same sense, so it’s safe to speak in Western terms, in which blackness is a category associated with Africanity, at least in its origin.

It could be a matter politically complex, because its cultural implications, but still —somehow— the reference; even with this ambiguity blurring the lines of race, geography and politics, with phenomena like the Negritude and the Pan African movements. I would say that reality is this ambiguous in its nature, since those categories are all imposed on it and not natural; which can explain the multiple conflicts of politics, culture and geographic entanglement; all of them (curiously enough) in areas originally under England rule, like India, the Middle East or the same central and West Africa.

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As for the second, about the Igbo culture, it’s then under the shadow of African blackness; but as part of this same ambiguity, and in its indigenous nature, it’s not a Western experience; because it predates the Western organization of that African experience. Adding complexity to this complex panorama, the Igbo culture would have a double nature in its Africanity; in which it would be Black but not Western, although we could chose to call it African instead of Black, in an artificiality to make the distinctions.

This should not be necessary though, since the object is defined by its functionality (objectivity); and not by its own consistency, even if this consistency is what provides its objectivity, as two different things. About it, and as digression, we should stablish the value and use of this categories as references; with consistency as the proper value of things, regardless of their perception, and objectivity as the value attributed to it in a function. The example of this is the act of “name the things”, not only as a religious metaphor; but in the anthropologic constitution of culture, as an artificial (technologic) nature of reality; in the attribution of (cultural) functions to the different phenomena of reality.

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So, even if Nigerians —Igbos in particular— doesn’t recognize themselves as blacks, they’re being categorized as such; as a convention referencing Blackness outside Africa, to avoid confusions with its political implications. This is regarding the other problem of Pan-Africanism, which —as a western political organization— is still a western experience; being the Africans who suffers the inevitable ambiguity of this categorization, as part of that western organization.

As for the third question, Africa is then a conventional category for the whole continent of reference; which for more even complications, would exclude the north Saharan area, to concentrate in the south, west and central ones. This is not for nothing, although it could looks incomprehensible for those African and some African descendants; but it responds to the difference of those northern cultures, more related to out of Africa determinations predating the European ones, through the Mediterranean subarea.

This would go directly in conflict with the pretentions of Pan-Africanism, as a kind of Afro-centrism; but that’s just the problem, as it would be just a movement of the western axis towards Africa; as an attempt at political adjustment, which does not solve but aggravates the cultural contradictions of that culture. This is the result of systematic distortion of the black (race) problem in United States, by its intellectual elitism; interested just in political immediate gains, justified in a moral supremacy from the unfairness of slave trade and segregation.

All that is legitimate, but different and progressively distant of the anthropological nature of culture and its problems; and thus doesn’t aimed to solve the political contradictions of segregation, but to turn the tables over capitalism; also, legitimacy doesn't means property, natural development or even feasibility. As a completely another matter, it’s different of that of the Igbo (African) blackness and its relevance; which comes not from its conventional Africanity, but from its exceptionality, with the ability to solve all this other contradictions.