Black conservatism and the lie of the Democratic ideological switch

Democratic liberalism claims a traditional ascendancy over the political identity of blacks, but it is false; it is anchored in a supposed ideological change of 1960, when Kennedy capitalized on the black vote, around Martin Luther King. That is, however, a false narrative, about a circumstantial episode, which did not even actively engage King; who until the last moment maintained his proverbial reticence, in the cultural pragmatism of the American black, naturally conservative.

First, this conservatism must be clarified, because it’s not exclusive to black culture but to culture in general; as a structure that organizes existence as a human being, therefore of existential rather than political value. For this reason, it even reproduces the thermodynamic principle, as morphodynamics, in the conservation of resources; already from that existential function, but even reaching the political expression, in which it is resolved as a historical reality.

The ideological conflict is then artificial and not organic, arising from the political determinism of Modernity; and which therefore responds to the positive rational reduction of politics, not to the reality of culture itself. It’s worth to mention that this notion of culture is that same meta-politic theoretics are looking now, because the insufficiency of dialectic; since reality can’t be reduced to its political expression, but have its determinations outside it, without being metaphysic. History is then trialectic rather than dialectic, imposing the objective circumstances over the subjectivism of economy; which never respond to universal categories, but to the punctuality of the individual and its own circumstances, as culture.

Hence the intrinsically conservative character of this North American black culture, due to its political marginality; in the conservation of its resources as existential, in the family, tradition, individual responsibility, etc.; in the face of which, the ideological organization results in a squandering of those resources, without any practical result. That is why every political investment, since Roosevelt's New Deal, stumbles upon this same black skepticism; which will only give way momentarily, when caught up in the existential political crossroads, such as that of Dr. King. This intertwines presidential candidate Kennedy's call to his wife Coreta, with his father's open commitment; as a concrete pressure, to which King's pragmatism yields, but not an ideological change of the party.

Of course, this is taken advantage of by the intellectualism of the Boule Movement, which is traditionally liberal; to the point of having sacrificed the autonomy of the Niagara Movement with Du Bois, to found the NAACP. This is the tradition that anchors the political identity of the American black to this manipulative sponsorship; as seen in the open field operation of the Black Lives Mater, always in an electoralist and democratic function; without, however, managing to transcend a really popular ascendant, in its middle-class pretensions.

Above that, the truth is that the liberal tradition loses its consistency of intellectual projection, already unsustainable; a third of a millennium since its triumphant postulation, when it has tried all its possibilities and only fails. Since then, the West has helplessly witnessed its structural desynchronization, in this growing inconsistency; by which the references, which made existence in culture possible, have been and continues to be lost.

The phenomenon is therefore deeper and more complex than this tension, compromising the existence of the black; because, even in an incredible paradox, it appeals to an emergent and apotheosic development of conservatism; not only in this political confrontation, but in this as an expression of that deeper phenomenon, in its determinations. This conservatism then becomes the spine of political culture, as believed even by the most liberal of the blacks; because it was W.E.B. Du Bois himself who postulated the conservation of this cultural singularity, in favor of the whole culture.

About te Ethnic Manipulation as Politics

The problem with political determinism is that it distorts the ontological function of culture, which is existential; in the provision of its determinations as ideology, which thus ceases to be existential, as properly political. Hence historical transcendentalism, in that sort of political romanticism, coming from the idealist tradition; appealing to an Arcadian communitarianism in primitive societies, which ignores the motive of the economic function.

However, reality is punctual and immediate, with a transcendence typical of its own immanent condition; which is even why it is reduced to historical from Dialectical Materialism, without still being able to avoid Manichaeism. That is the problem of racial vindication in historical transcendentalism, which is political rather than existential; appealing to a transcendence of the original culture, which is impossible after the trauma of its economic redeterminations; which in the specifically African case, include a high political component, in the restructuring of society.

The most serious problem here would be that political romanticism, responding to the political fiction of ideology; as an artificial and not organic tension, in the crisis of European absolutism, which gave rise to the modern revolution. It is not for nothing then the centrality of the French contradiction, crawling even through German ideology; to redetermine the cultural structure from the epistemology of its idealist tradition, with dialectics as a canon.

That is already dysfunctional, in its very epistemological nature, reducing reality to its dichotomous tensions; postulated as well as its very political determination, when politics is only the expression in which it is realized; not its determination, which as ontological is structural, and therefore comes from culture, not from society. That is what distortion consists of, which subordinates the individual to the Kantian imperative, ordering that idealist tradition; in a redetermination that reduces the cosmological to ideological, and with it to the existential function as political.

Hence, all this is resolved as a moral question, and thus neoconservative, displacing the cultural functions; which, as we have already seen, go from being existential to political, subordinating the individual in transcendentalism. In turn, it comes from the Cartesian reversal, with its secularization of the religious problem, as moral instead of cosmological; not expressly but already on its epistemological basis, on which Kant later postulates his imperatives.

All this explains its purely Western nature, racially defined as te whiteness of all te contemporary conflicts; which are not merely political, although expressed as such, but ontologically determined in culture. Hence the falsity of those vindicationist archaisms, which manipulate racial tensions as political; when their determination is racially defined by their Europeanness, even if they are postulated as universal.

In fact, this claim to universality comes from Christian humanism, which is also European and academic; on the very basis of modern Enlightenmentism, culminating this distortion of culture in general, with that of European culture. Nevertheless, all this —even if artificial in its intellectualism— was possible because it was credible in its circumstance; and that would be what has changed in at least three hundred years since its apotheosis, with the postmodern crisis of culture.

The problem, however, is one of whites, among whites and for whites, who only manipulate racial tension; making profits even after slavery has been abolished, with the same displacement of the political function; that goes from economic, with the industrial boom, to properly political, in the expression with which society is carried out. Not for nothing, manipulation crosses the intellectually specialized elites, assuming the representation of the popular; which is possible only in the convention of historical transcendentalism, lacking existential consistency.