The NAACP against the black people, again!

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Some Florida’s black businesses owners have been rebelling the NAACP call to boycott the state of Florida; revealing the contradictory nature of the organization, rooted in the political priorities of white liberalism, for which it simply kidnapped the social struggles of the blacks on their economic weaknesses. That may even explain their traditional disdain for the economic development of blacks, since their beginning; when just being a bunch of white socialists pushed away the original —and purely black— Niagara Movement.

Right now the NAACP’s directive is mostly black, but that has to wait seventeen years from its start to happen; the time it took to stablish the political priorities of the organization, on the training of its executives. For those first seventeen years, the only racial legitimacy of the organization came from the presence of WEB Du Bois; who was not even a member of that executive, but the keeper of its legitimacy at the head of their journal, “The Crisis”.

Even Du Bois —who fought every other black leader but non a white one—, separated himself from the organization; with a bulleted series of harsh criticism that pointed to this difference of interests, aims and priorities. How that organization kept that legitimacy of Du Bois after his same criticism, which could be a fascinating history of manipulations; all of them overly complicate, such as the certain role of the NAACP on the civil rights war, shadowing its probable illegitimacy.

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Today problems reveal the origin of the country contradictions, which led to the use of the slavery as a justification; but rather consistent with the differences of the early states, even entangled with the royal or antiroyal origin of those states. As then with the Northern liberalism, NAACP worries are not the blacks but the white contradictions among themselves; trying to mingle on them with this formidable tool of the black struggles, that alienates their own development.

This time though things could have gone too far, even if blacks bite and get hooked again on those white contradictions; because this time those contradictions are too evident, and are not just among states but actual political classes. It’s not that conservatives or liberals are better or worse, but that all of them are just the same, arguing between themselves; nothing that blacks will benefit from, unless it favors personal grow and individuality, not forcing socialism in their failed historical transcendentalism.

Capitalism and Socialism are only the ways white people channel their original feudalism, in a corporate economy; being this corporation of financial or political nature, while liberalism acts as a functional conservatism and thus leans over a fake left. Black people know that, even if they can’t explain it clearly, because the betrayal of their talented ten (Du Bois); they know it because the impact of that political priorities on their economies, and thus on their real development.

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What makes this case specially outrageous is that NAACP is putting the black people in the front of their confrontations; as once did BLM, channeling their donations —in the George Floyd crisis—to the Democratic campaign against Donald Trump. As is if it were a political formula, the problem of today is governor de Santis, potential contender for te presidency; and for which he will be demoralized, because that’s the strategy of a political force that only worries by itself, not for the people it says to stand for.

Despite the falsehood of those confrontations between liberals and conservatives, the problem in Florida is not racial; even if the banning of books is excessive, it’s not a racial but liberal problem, and must be solved as such. Even te problem with the teaching of black history is not that black history, it’s about its interpretation; insisting in one side of the history of the country, which ignores the amount of antiracism the same country has shown.

Fascism in black movements

A persistent contradiction about black organizations, is the layer of fascism most of them show at some point; due this to the fascist nature of all revolutionary movements, on its violent upraising and further developments in politics. But the problem here comes from the violent nature of political revolutions, paralleling all of them despite their differences; like in this case of fascism, as a very particular phenomenon, and that of blackness as another.

First, fascism is not an universal phenomenon but a very particular one, with its own determinations in Europe; it’s just the west progressiveness what established it on its exemplarity, as a convention for violent conservatism. The problem with it is that all revolutions are equally violent and conservatives, not only those of European fascism; because revolutions are rooted in the perception of liberalism as a corruption of political conventions, as per the foundational social principles.

That’s still understandable but complicated by the latest developments, of liberalism as functional conservatism; displacing traditional conservatism to the edge of anachronism, in its inability to evolve and adapt to the changes in civilization. Is this inability of traditional conservatism what makes liberalism so strong, changing the moral paradigms of politics; becoming then in that functional conservatism, in charge of overlooking society and guarding its political links.

That’s how all liberal revolutions start developing fascist elements on their own, as part of their intrinsic violence; because all revolutions are intrinsically violent, since it means a break in the political fabric of society. Besides that, is this liberal tradition what brought all the blackness phenomenon, with its own roots in modern rationalism; which despite its multiple flaws as a way of thinking, was a natural development of the west civilization by itself.

It’s natural then that this blackness movement develops its own political violence, as any other revolution; because it too is a break on the political fabric of society, as it’s a revolution by its own, despite its roots in white liberalism. This is actually one of the few contradictions birthed by that modern rationalism, as the foundational mythology of modernity; colliding ones with the others, in the inability of the model to coordinate them in an hermeneutical systematization, as those traditions of antiquity it crashes down. As an example, think in concepts as individual freedom and authority, sovereignty and citizenship; supposed to be linked on the social scope all of them have in common, but rather pushing ones to others as contradictories.

The problem is then not that so-called fascist nature of the blackness movements, as eventual as apparent; after all it’s just a perception from that liberalism, in its new function as a neoconservatism, and thus politically reductive. The problem is this new contradiction of the blackness movement developments, with its roots in that liberalism; which come from the divergence of interests, since the blackness movement develops their own ones, and stop subordinating to those of liberalism.

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The divergence started as early as the black movements themselves, from Du Bois, Booker T. Washington and the NAACP; to that other of Sedar Senghor and Sartre, around the Black Orpheus of the late explaining the aestheticism of the African. On that first stages the black movements had to adapt to its political weakness and dependence, postponing its own interests; it’s the maturity of the black problem, after the crisis of the Civil Rights war, what brings the black interests to the first place; and thus prompting new developments, as a new tradition and force in the political fabric of society, independent of the liberal tradition.

Here's were that other problem of fascism resurfaces, as an old but apparent potential danger to this development; which is still a reductive perception from that liberalism, of the black movements in its revolutionary scopes. This perception is then rooted in the new functions of that liberal tradition, as neo conservatism; and thus as a counter revolutionary, with its on expression of modern (and conservative) bourgeoisiery; trying to preserve its class privileges as a fake bourgeoisie, with its hordes of academics and political functionaries. This contradiction, born with the problem itself, is what explains that prominence of fascist elements on black movements; as a conceptual (moral) kidnapping of the movements, for its roots in that liberal tradition, that evolved itself to neo conservatism.

The breathing of Jordan Neely

“I can’t breathe” is a compelling phrase for a reason, remembering the ignition of the case of William Floyd; which is exemplary because of its recurrence, in the no fewer recurring sparks between blacks and the police. It’s not a minor point that a lot of those cases involve black officers, so the lines are not that clear here but blurred; with the only rationality that whoever takes a stance is on the wrong, or taking political advantage of its ambiguity.

More often than not that’s just what impedes the solution in any contradiction, entangled by is political weight; but in this entanglement the blacks are the ones to losses more, since is their own life what’s at stake. So it’s up to the blacks to search for an effective solution, over those boundaries of the political gain; and it’s not to take or point the blame, in and idealistic call to upfront their social struggles, in another political stun; but to try to understand the reasons behind all those deaths, even if racially motivated, and stop the trend.

This doesn’t work in its traditional ways of direct confrontation, but in the smartest of surrounding the provocations; because it should be clear that this recurrence illustrates a system so corrupt that’s not able to fix itself. But to think that any other system would be better is to ignore the problem of political systematism, lethal in its contradictions; which is why we should take responsibility and be creative in our relationship with the structural powers, by our own.

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Whomever reclaims a faster solution for a so old and intricate problem, is only feeding the contradiction; because its roots are so deep in the time and fabric of society, that can’t be fixed so easily as with a stun. So in order to fix it would be better to dig in the field, until find that specific twisted root and correct it; which is so hard labor that only the directly interested in a real solution could face it, avoiding the —as obvious as corrupting— political gains.

The image that blacks were emancipated by the country, rather than by themselves, is the basis of the Jim Crown; which were not just a malevolent engineering of society, but mostly a cruel and dysfunctional  reduction of blackness. We Cubans knows a little about it, because the Cuban society was built against that idea of a freedom gave by the Americans; which was only partially true, because it culminated a century of Cuban fight against its development as a Spain colony.

As the same, American black history doesn’t start with the emancipation nor with the struggle of the civil rights; which wasn’t in order to protect the political interest of the blacks, but those of their protectors. The proof of this last argument is on that persistence of racial clashing in the society, even during the civil war; due this twist in their own roots, intertwining all its elements on its own structure, in order to maintain its original form.

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Black history in America starts long before the Civil War, with proved rebellions like Stono Bono and the Seminole; the Civil war was so stagnated in its own contradictions, only solved with this twist of the black history; but this history was already consistent by its own, and eventually would have led to black emancipation, in its own way. It’s this submission of the black history —to the poisoned gift of the whites— what obscures the lines here; because it’s what sparks so many contradictions along its different parts, imposing that vicious victimhood in the blacks.

That’s what explains the recurrent problem of violence among blacks, intrinsic to our political marginality; not something to solution with protection programs, so violent that instill its poison on our already twisted roots. We need to reestablish our own history, in our own terms, only that not as a social discourse for political gains; but as a way to reflection over life with our own cosmology, knowing wat we are and what we are able to do with ourselves.