Fascism in black movements

A persistent contradiction about black organizations, is the layer of fascism most of them show at some point; due this to the fascist nature of all revolutionary movements, on its violent upraising and further developments in politics. But the problem here comes from the violent nature of political revolutions, paralleling all of them despite their differences; like in this case of fascism, as a very particular phenomenon, and that of blackness as another.

First, fascism is not an universal phenomenon but a very particular one, with its own determinations in Europe; it’s just the west progressiveness what established it on its exemplarity, as a convention for violent conservatism. The problem with it is that all revolutions are equally violent and conservatives, not only those of European fascism; because revolutions are rooted in the perception of liberalism as a corruption of political conventions, as per the foundational social principles.

That’s still understandable but complicated by the latest developments, of liberalism as functional conservatism; displacing traditional conservatism to the edge of anachronism, in its inability to evolve and adapt to the changes in civilization. Is this inability of traditional conservatism what makes liberalism so strong, changing the moral paradigms of politics; becoming then in that functional conservatism, in charge of overlooking society and guarding its political links.

That’s how all liberal revolutions start developing fascist elements on their own, as part of their intrinsic violence; because all revolutions are intrinsically violent, since it means a break in the political fabric of society. Besides that, is this liberal tradition what brought all the blackness phenomenon, with its own roots in modern rationalism; which despite its multiple flaws as a way of thinking, was a natural development of the west civilization by itself.

It’s natural then that this blackness movement develops its own political violence, as any other revolution; because it too is a break on the political fabric of society, as it’s a revolution by its own, despite its roots in white liberalism. This is actually one of the few contradictions birthed by that modern rationalism, as the foundational mythology of modernity; colliding ones with the others, in the inability of the model to coordinate them in an hermeneutical systematization, as those traditions of antiquity it crashes down. As an example, think in concepts as individual freedom and authority, sovereignty and citizenship; supposed to be linked on the social scope all of them have in common, but rather pushing ones to others as contradictories.

The problem is then not that so-called fascist nature of the blackness movements, as eventual as apparent; after all it’s just a perception from that liberalism, in its new function as a neoconservatism, and thus politically reductive. The problem is this new contradiction of the blackness movement developments, with its roots in that liberalism; which come from the divergence of interests, since the blackness movement develops their own ones, and stop subordinating to those of liberalism.

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The divergence started as early as the black movements themselves, from Du Bois, Booker T. Washington and the NAACP; to that other of Sedar Senghor and Sartre, around the Black Orpheus of the late explaining the aestheticism of the African. On that first stages the black movements had to adapt to its political weakness and dependence, postponing its own interests; it’s the maturity of the black problem, after the crisis of the Civil Rights war, what brings the black interests to the first place; and thus prompting new developments, as a new tradition and force in the political fabric of society, independent of the liberal tradition.

Here's were that other problem of fascism resurfaces, as an old but apparent potential danger to this development; which is still a reductive perception from that liberalism, of the black movements in its revolutionary scopes. This perception is then rooted in the new functions of that liberal tradition, as neo conservatism; and thus as a counter revolutionary, with its on expression of modern (and conservative) bourgeoisiery; trying to preserve its class privileges as a fake bourgeoisie, with its hordes of academics and political functionaries. This contradiction, born with the problem itself, is what explains that prominence of fascist elements on black movements; as a conceptual (moral) kidnapping of the movements, for its roots in that liberal tradition, that evolved itself to neo conservatism.