Cuban
racial violence would be submerged in politics since independence itself, which
was already artificial; if in fact it did not count on the will of the people to
redeem, but on the interests of his economic elite, which it legitimized. The
first break would occur with the very first conflict of the republic, given its
inconsistency, not directly but laterally racial; capitalizing on racial
resentment in the face of the apathy and cynicism of that economic elite, which
was already also political.
That
would not be gratuitous, coming from the arrogance that justified this
violence, with its literary and political fictions; which is the perversion
inflicted with Martí's martyrology, like a useless Christ in that idealism of
the modern spirit. Nor will it be gratuitous that the expression of times and
place is Modernism, with its symbolist grandiloquence; surreptitiously
perpetuating the postposition of black people, which is the one bringing some
realism, in his existential pragmatism.
The
Negro, as a person in whom reality as a human is enhanced, cannot be frustrated
in the face of difficulty; but only to remain in that same latency, looking for
the way out in which to realize itself as that reality. Racial frustration is
here the political trick with which he is manipulated, to tie him in symbol to
transcendentalism; which as historical instead of metaphysical, does not offer
him any possibility, but is what keeps him unreal.
The
conflict then erupted in 1906, with Quintín Banderas, executed by the arrogance
of his own naivety; in which, like the mythical popular simple faith of Catholicism,
he mocked those he executed, in the name of his executioners. The conflict thus
becomes scandalous with the massacre of 1912, but it is insidiously hidden,
blaming Morúa Delgado; who covers the bastardy of José Martí, like the cursed
inheritance of a nation arisen against the will of its people.
It
is known that Morúa Delgado was a Freemason like Martí, it is speculated if that
—unlike him— he could be a palero too; but it is known that Gustavo E.
Urrutia was a palero, with fables of cauldrons buried in the gardens of
Miramar; signifying, to the horror of Cuban Catholicism, that cultural advance,
insidious because of hermeneutical in existentialism. Nor can it be gratuitous
that the political violence against Batista was led by the Catholic university students;
with a systematicity that provokes a reaction in accordance with its bloodthirstiness,
but unforgivable for what it meant.
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